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Family Planning Use Often a Family Decision

Better ways are needed to involve relatives, who may influence contraceptive choices.

Network: Summer 1998, Vol. 18, No. 4

NetworkCopyright Family Health International, 1998. 
Network is reprinted with permission from Family Health International
.

Most contraceptive methods are designed for use by women, and as a result, most family planning programs target their information, counseling and services to women of reproductive age.

However, this limited focus ignores an important reality in women's lives: Women often are not the sole decision-makers about contraceptive use. Some make decisions about family planning and family size in collaboration with their husbands or partners. Others have little or no autonomy in the home, and husbands, partners, parents or in-laws decide for them. And others use contraception clandestinely, fearing relatives will disapprove.

Health program providers need to recognize that family planning is often a family decision. Providers should look for ways to inform, involve and educate relatives, who may have a tremendous influence on whether contraceptive use begins, when it begins, whether it continues, who uses contraception and what methods are used.

The influence of husbands and other family members was one of the topics explored by researchers in the Women's Studies Project (WSP) at FHI. In analyzing results from 10 countries in the project, researchers concluded that family members, particularly husbands, play a critical role in women's family planning use and continuation. When partners or other relatives are opposed to family planning, women can face severe consequences, including divorce or abandonment, and violence, ridicule or disapproval from family, friends or their partners.

Couples' decision-making

When surveyed about decision-making in the home, the majority of women in the 10 countries said their husbands or partners were usually involved in contraceptive discussions, although the nature of that involvement varied. Some men were involved by supporting women's contraceptive decisions, other men used methods themselves, and others posed obstacles for women's use of family planning.

In Cebu, the Philippines, more than two-thirds of the 2,200 women surveyed about household decision-making said they would consult their husbands about contraceptive use. Some 20 percent said they would consult another adult, and only 12 percent said they would make a decision without talking to someone.1

One Cebuano woman detailed her husband's assistance as they searched for an acceptable contraceptive: "Because of the emotional stress that I experienced after the death of four of my newborn babies, my husband suggested the use of some family planning method to avoid further stressful experiences." After difficulties with other methods, the couple decided to practice withdrawal, which requires male cooperation.

Many men in a Zimbabwe study said they supported family planning, believing it was important to women's health and was a key factor in determining the family's quality of life. "Having 10 to 11 children may be so detrimental to the psychological well-being of a wife that she may feel she is being used as a human-making machine," said one man in Mashonaland East province.2 Men said they expected their wives to initiate discussions about contraceptive use, but that husbands should be involved in contraceptive decisions.

"Traditionally, family planning was decided by both members of the couple. With the advent of modern methods, one partner became responsible, the other was left out," says Dr. Jane Mutambirwa, a social anthropologist at the University of Zimbabwe and principal investigator for this study. "Consequently, this very important role formerly played by men was no longer within their domain. Men made a point that they would like to have more contraceptive options available to them, to relieve their wives of the burden of side effects. They emphasized the need to counsel couples."

In Indonesia, where family planning has been widely promoted by the government since the 1970s, women in West Java and North Sumatra said couples jointly made decisions about family planning, although husbands were regarded as heads of the household, and few women used family planning without their husbands' knowledge.3 In a separate study in Central and East Java, husbands' opinions strongly influenced women's contraceptive use, although women were responsible for choosing the specific contraceptive method used.4

In Jakarta and Ujung Pandang, more than two-thirds of 760 married women, ages 30 to 45, said they had discussed contraception with their husbands, who saw family planning as a means to reduce the family's economic burden. In Ujung Pandang, nearly 77 percent of the 360 women interviewed said they would make a mutual decision with their husbands to have another child. Yet, 56 percent of the 400 women in Jakarta said their husbands' wishes prevailed. "As a wife, I have no freedom to decide something by myself," said a woman from Jakarta. "I have to ask his permission."5

Authority and responsibility

Because women bear the physical burden and pain of childbearing and are primarily responsible for childcare, some women say the final decision to use family planning should be theirs. However, some men say their role as financial provider gives them authority to decide how many children the family can afford. This was the case in Mali, where a small WSP study examined the experiences of 55 first-time contraceptive users, married women ages 18 to 45, who came to the Association Malienne pour la Promotion et Protection de la Famille (AMPPF) clinic in Bamako.6

Married men, mothers-in-law and women who had never used contraception also were interviewed in this study, conducted by the Centre d'Etudes et de Recherche sur la Population pour le Développement (CERPOD). Researchers found that family planning is considered the woman's responsibility, but both women and men regard decision-making as a man's domain.

In focus group discussions, men were unanimous in their opinion that women had no right to use contraception without men's permission. "When the husband says no, it means no," said one man. Another said, "If my wife makes the decision to use family planning without my consent, I will divorce her." Fewer than one-third of the men interviewed thought they would ever want their wives to use family planning.

Women who sought contraceptive services said they discussed the subject with their husbands, giving examples of how contraceptive use could improve women's health and benefit the entire family. "Your children will be well taken care of, they will eat as they should," one woman explained. Another said, "I showed him that the children are closely spaced and that life is difficult -- it [contraception] would give us a rest."

In addition, women enlisted the help of other family members to convince husbands of the benefits of family planning. Older sisters-in-law proved to be powerful allies in encouraging men's support of family planning. "She [my sister-in-law] asked me to speak about it first to my husband and, if he refused, to have him talk to her, and she would make him understand," said one contraceptive user. Although women also relied on their husband's older aunts, younger sisters-in-law and mothers-in-law were generally less involved in contraceptive decisions. Mothers-in-law themselves said they were reluctant to discuss contraception with their daughters-in-law, and daughters-in-law said the opinions of their mother-in-law were of little consequence.

Seventeen of the 55 women who came to the AMPPF clinic did so without their husband's permission and used contraceptives clandestinely. By doing so, they risked divorce, abandonment or indifference to side effects. Most clandestine users chose injectable contraceptives, while others used pills that were hidden at work or at neighbors' homes.

In Egypt, women's subordinate position often influenced their perceptions of ideal family size, according to preliminary results from a nationwide WSP study. Fears of divorce led some women to continue childbearing, even if they did not want more children.7 Another study, which included analysis of 1992 Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) data, revealed that men typically want more children than women. Unless partners communicate their desires about family size, the husbands' wishes usually prevail.8

In Bangladesh, where women are often totally dependent on their husbands for financial support, men's views strongly influenced contraceptive use. Interviews with 104 women and 92 men found that women were reluctant to use contraception if they thought their husbands might view family planning as an economic burden. "My husband does not object to my taking pills," one woman explained. "But when I get ill and he has to spend money, he snaps at me, 'You squander my money by taking these [pills]. Have I piled up money to spend on you?'"9

Elsewhere, men also played a dominant role in contraceptive decision-making. Nigerian couples said that men's views were more important than women's in family decisions. Among the more than 3,000 couples interviewed, 88 percent of men and 78 percent of women said men were the dominant decision-makers in the home. Men and women generally agreed that men decide whether the couple will have sexual intercourse, the duration of postpartum abstinence and whether the couple will use family planning.10

A Population Council study in the Philippines found that the husband's desire for more children ranked as the second most important obstacle for contraceptive use by women who wish to space or delay pregnancies. (Men and women's concern about contraceptive side effects was the premier obstacle.)11 In a survey of more than 6,500 households in Turkey, one-fourth of the women said they did not want more children but did not use contraception because their husbands disapproved.12

But researchers speculate that the lines of authority may be less distinct in some countries. In a 1991 survey among Egyptian men, most said that husbands had the most influence in contraceptive decisions. But among men who had ever used contraception, a substantial number (about a third) said their wives played the more influential role. Researchers concluded that women play a larger role in these decisions than is openly acknowledged.13

That couples may not communicate well about family planning is illustrated in a WSP study in El Alto, Bolivia, which included 101 women and 31 men. Conducted by the Proyecto Integral de Salud, it found that two-thirds of male participants said that family planning was a joint decision with their partner, but fewer than half of the women said family planning was a mutual decision.14

In general, some women say they are too shy or too busy to begin discussions with their husbands; others fear their husband's response or worry that their knowledge of sexual issues could be interpreted as promiscuity or infidelity. "I express what I have to with fear, and it embarrasses me," said one woman in the El Alto study.

Another WSP study, conducted by Cooperazione Internationale, surveyed 630 couples in Cochabamba, Bolivia.15 More than 90 percent of women and men said they approved of family planning, that their partner approved of family planning, that men should take responsibility for family planning by using male contraceptive methods, and that men should support their partner's decision to use contraception. However, only half the couples said they talked about family size, and not all couples discussed contraceptive use.

Couple communication can play a pivotal role in contraceptive use. In a study in eastern Ghana, funded by the Population Council, the Navrongo Health Research Center (NHRC) examined factors that influenced adoption of family planning methods. The NHRC conducted a pilot project and established a community-based health center and family planning services. At the time the project began, only two of the 2,000 women in the community used contraception. Within 18 months, 225 women were using family planning. The two most important factors in determining contraceptive use were communication between spouses (including wives' perception that husbands supported their contraceptive use) and communication with people outside the family who offered encouragement and support for family planning.16

Other family members

While husbands and male partners have a tremendous impact on women's contraceptive use or non-use, other family members can play significant roles as well.

In some countries, parents and in-laws view grandchildren as necessary to extend the family line, to provide labor on family farms, or to provide financial support for parents during old age. They may discourage couples from using family planning to delay pregnancy, but encourage couples to use family planning to limit or space births after they have a large family.

WSP research in Zimbabwe showed that although contraceptive use is high nationwide -- about 48 percent among married women of reproductive age -- contraceptive use before first pregnancy is low. Only 8 percent of women use family planning at the time they marry, but after first birth, the percentage increases to 59 percent.17

"You get pressure from both your family and your husband's family to get pregnant" soon after marriage, explains Dr. Marvellous Mhloyi of the Center for Population Studies at the University of Zimbabwe, a principal investigator for one of four WSP studies in Zimbabwe. "If you do not get pregnant in three months, people will come and say, 'There is a darkness in this house.'" In addition, having children affords women more status. In another Zimbabwe study, mothers-in-law said they encouraged contraceptive use, but only as a means of limiting pregnancies once a couple had the number of children they wanted.18

Dr. Laila Kafafi, FHI senior resident research advisor in Egypt, says that many young married women may not see the benefit of using family planning to delay pregnancy. "Once you get married, you have to have a child right away," she says. "Mothers-in-law want daughters-in-law to prove fertility."

Preliminary findings from one nationwide WSP study in Egypt found that mothers-in-law influenced women's decisions about family size.19A woman in a village near Assiut said that her mother-in-law threatened her if she did not have more children and told her she would find another bride for her son. When asked if they would advise their daughters-in-law to plan their families, one woman said, "after the first child, to know if she is fertile or not." Another said, "After the first male child." Men also suggested that couples should have a child as soon as possible after marriage. "Why else does a girl get married?" asked one man in Alexandria.20

Other studies have also found that mothers-in-law and other elder family members influence women's decisions about family size. In India, 56 of the 100 women interviewed in Uttar Pradesh said they deferred to their mothers-in-law for decisions about health and child welfare.21 In some homes, where couples live with parents or in-laws, lack of privacy can discourage use of some contraceptives, such as the pill, condoms or a diaphragm.

In a study in Kenya, conducted in four rural communities in Nyanza province, three-fourths of the women surveyed said they discuss family planning with someone else. Most of these conversations (94 percent) involved other women, especially family members. Women said they weigh information they receive from health providers against information from female relatives and friends.22

In Brazil, a WSP study found that some adolescent girls wanted to be pregnant, believing it would enhance family relationships.23 Researchers interviewed 367 teens who sought prenatal care at the Maternidade Escola Assis Chateaubriand (MEAC) clinic in Fortaleza, Ceará, plus 196 teens who came to the emergency ward for treatment of complications from incomplete abortion. Among the prenatal group, only 12 percent used contraception at the time of their pregnancy, and 46 percent said they wanted to be pregnant.

During an interview, conducted during their initial visit to the MEAC clinic, pregnant teens said they thought their pregnancy would improve their relationships with parents, friends and partners. However, when interviewed at 45 days postpartum, adolescents reported that their relationships with their mothers had improved, while their relationships with their partners had deteriorated. When interviewed one year later, adolescents reported no improvements in relationships with their mothers. Relationships with partners deteriorated in both groups at one year.

In Jamaica, seventh and eighth grade girls said that their peers might be reluctant to use family planning. If parents and friends learned of contraceptive use, they would assume a girl was sexually active, which would be forbidden at a young age. One girl suggested that if a mother found her daughter's contraceptive supplies, she "would curse her. She would think she was having sex."24

-- Barbara Barnett

References

  1. Adair LS, Viswanathan M, Polhamus B, et al. Cebu Longitudinal Health and Nutrition Survey Follow-up Study, Final Report to the Women's Study Project. Research Triangle Park, NC: Family Health International and the University of San Carlos, 1997.
  2. Mutambirwa J, Utete V, Mutambirwa C, et al. Zimbabwe: The Consequences of Family Planning for Women's Quality of Life, Women's Study Project Summary Report. Research Triangle Park, NC: Family Health International and University of Zimbabwe, 1998.
  3. Adioetomo SM, Toersilaningsih R, Asmanedi, et al. Helping the Husband, Maintaining Harmony: Family Planning, Women's Work and Women's Household Autonomy in Indonesia, Final Report to the Women's Studies Project. Research Triangle Park, NC: Family Health International and University of Indonesia, 1997.
  4. Dwiyanto A, Faturochman, Suratiyah K, et al. Family Planning, Family Welfare and Women's Activities in Indonesia, Final Report to the Women's Studies Project. Research Triangle Park, NC: Family Health International and Gadjah Mada University, 1997.
  5. Hidayati Amal S, Novriaty S, Hardee K, et al. Family Planning and Women's Empowerment: Challenges for the Indonesian Family, Final Report to the Women's Studies Project. Research Triangle Park, NC: Family Health International and University of Indonesia, 1997.
  6. Konaté MK, Djibo A, Djiré M. Mali: The Impact of Family Planning on the Lives of New Contraceptive Users in Bamako, WSP Summary Report. Research Triangle Park, NC: Family Health International and Centre d'Etudes et de Recherche sur la Population pour le Développment, 1998.
  7. Saleh S, Heisel D. Egypt: The Impact of Family Planning on the Lives of Egyptian Women, Draft Women's Studies Project Summary Report. Research Triangle Park, NC: Family Health International and American University in Cairo, 1998.
  8. Mahran M, El-Zanaty FH, Way AA. Perspectives on Fertility and Family Planning in Egypt. Results of Further Analysis of the 1992 Egypt Demographic and Health Survey. Cairo: National Population Council and DHS, 1995.
  9. Schuler SR, Hashemi SM, Jenkins AH. Bangladesh's family planning success story: a gender perspective. Int Fam Plann Perspect 1995;21(4):132-37, 166.
  10. Donovan P. In Nigeria, traditions of male dominance favor large families, but some men report having fewer children. Int Fam Plann Perspect 1995;21(1):39-40.
  11. Casterline JB, Perez AE, Biddlecom AE. Factors underlying unmet need for family planning in the Philippines. Stud Fam Plann 1997;28(3):173-87.
  12. Kuli I. Husbands as decision-makers in relation to family size: East-West regional differentials in Turkey. Turk J Popul Studies 1991;12:41-64.
  13. Sayed HA, El-Zanaty FH, Cross AR. Egypt Male Survey 1991. Cairo: Cairo Demographic Center, 1992.
  14. Camacho A, Rueda J, Ordóńez E, et al. Impacto de la Regulación de la Fecundidad sobre la Estabilidad de la Pareja, la Sexualidad y Calidad de Vida, Final Report to the Women's Studies Project. Research Triangle Park, NC: Family Health International and Proyecto Integral de Salud, 1998.
  15. Zambrana E, Reynaldo C, McCarraher D, et al. Impacto del Conocimiento, Actitudes y Comportamiento del Hombre acerca de la Regulación de la Fecundidad en la Vida de las Mujeres en Cochabamba, Final Report to the Women's Studies Project. Research Triangle Park, NC: Family Health International and Cooperazione Internationale, 1998.
  16. Phillips JF, Binka F, Adjuik M, et al. The determinants of contraceptive innovation: a case-control study of family planning acceptance in a traditional African society. Presentation at the Population Association of America meeting, New Orleans, May 9-11, 1996.
  17. Mhloyi M, Mapfumo O. Zimbabwe: Impact of Family Planning on Women's Participation in the Development Process, Women's Studies Project Summary Report. Research Triangle Park, NC: Family Health International and University of Zimbabwe, 1998.
  18. Wekwete N. The Mediating Effects of Gender on Women's Participation in Development, Draft Report for the Women's Studies Project. Research Triangle Park, NC: Family Health International, 1998.
  19. Saleh.
  20. Sallam SA, Mahfouz AAR, Dabbous NI. Egypt: Reproductive Health of Adolescent Married Women in Squatter Areas of Alexandria, Women's Studies Project Summary Report. Research Triangle Park, NC: Family Health International and the High Institute for Public Health, 1998.
  21. Prakash A, Swain S, Negi KS. Who decides? Indian Pediatrics 1994;31(8):978-80.
  22. Rutenberg N, Watkins SC. Conversation and contraception in Nyanza Province, Kenya. Presentation at the Population Association of America meeting, New Orleans, May 9-11, 1996.
  23. Bruno ZV, Bailey P. Brazil: Adolescent Longitudinal Study, Women's Studies Project Summary Report. Research Triangle Park, NC: Family Health International and MEAC, 1998.
  24. Jackson J, Leitch J, Lee A, et al. The Jamaica Adolescent Study, Women's Studies Project Final Report. Research Triangle Park, NC: Family Health International and University of West Indies, 1998.

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